Terry Field, our English correspondent experiencing a damp and chilly summer in Normandy, France, writes one of his most profound, and well-thought-out tomes on the forthcoming exit of the United Kingdom from the European Union. - Glenn N. Holliman
A possible future for
Britain after Brexit
By
Terry Field
For the logic of this little article
to be exercised, it must be accepted that there will and can be no ‘soft’
brexit. That is to say, that after the body of European law, and the Accession
Act in particular, is repealed and the body of law incorporated into British
Law, the United Kingdom will have left the European Union.
Article 50 is NOT the act of leaving;
it is the act of administrative control, change and regularization of the
accepted political reality.
The United Kingdom, when it joined
the European Union, followed the powerful argument that 80% of the economic
activity of the European Union was internally traded, whereas the percentage
for the United Kingdom was the reverse – 80% was externally traded, only 20%
internal.
The idea was to
stabilize Britain by joining a (relatively) vast market of stable internal
activity, thus offering Britain everything its post-war experience denied
it.
Now Britain will
find itself outside the Customs Union, the Single Market, the political
structures of the EU and the other
legal and commercial cementation mechanisms.
What does this mean for Britain?
It is probable that Britain will
rapidly forge trading patterns with other world powers – Japan, India,
Pakistan, China, Australia, New Zeeland, perhaps Brazil, Canada and the United
States, Singapore, Vietnam and other second and third-order states.
This process may take some years;
perhaps over a decade.
Whilst this proceeds, the United
Kingdom will experience progressively greater exposure to free market and free
trade forces. That is the motive force behind much of the brexit-supporting
Tory Party acting as they did in the referendum.
The Social
Management Dimension
Britain has adopted a massive raft of
the European Unions social protection mechanisms, ranging from labour-law
protection, environmental protection, competition law, food standards, drug
standards, safety and physical protection law, all driven with a parallel
political and cultural integration program. And freedom.,
Since 1975 Britain has become
radically integrated into Europe, with the international trade protections of a
closed-trade block that allows for relatively stable tax-take and revenue
management and expenditure controls.
The totality of these structures act
to flatten income inequality, and reduce the potential for individual
‘libertarianism’. This latter is a jarring change for a country whose only
period of massive wealth under Empire came from precisely this philosophy of
personal liberty.
In English law, the corporation is a
person. With rights and obligations. As Britain rips so many of its European
roots up, and looks to plant them in the trade soils of every country across
the globe, it returns immediately to the reality of an unprotected, very-high
throughput economy.
At the level of the talented trading
individual and mercantile corporation, the potential for a new version of the
East India Company is always there.
I imagine this ‘buccaneering’ genius,
unmatched anywhere else in the world save for Singapore, Holland, maybe parts
of South Africa under Apartheid, will from time to time produce great success,
great wealth, immense personal ego.
The British state, however, is a
large entity composed of competing interests many of which have built their
consciousness over a – now - entire political lifetime of European philosophy
and structure. Socialism, European–style, is baked into expectations; indeed, many people voted brexit as revolt against
the effects of ‘globalisation’ on their life-chances.
BUT out of Europe, in the world,
those competitive pressures will be enormously magnified. If the UK Inland
Revenue finds tax collecting from individuals and corporations hard now, then
the new world of totally global activity will make profit for corporations and
individuals vastly more ‘manageable’ by the owners and managers.
Add to this the present overarching
political intervention undertaken across the EU – whereby the working
population is composed of at least 25% to 30% who work but cannot
survive without internal transfers from the prosperous to these needy via ‘tax
credits’ (Germany at the van here, as ever) and it is very easy to see that
there will no longer be any possibility for the British state to make such
continuous massive transfers.
Why?
Because the payers will do what they
can to ‘disappear’ from tax sight, and the society will reject subsidy for
work, and move to a more direct, Darwinian approach, the most powerful voices
arguing that:
1 Future vitality depends upon open
competition
2 Stateist intervention impoverishes
and should be abandoned.
3 It is not moral to subsidise
uneconomic activity, and low paid work is the very definition of ‘uneconomic’
4 Personal freedom can lead to
success or failure; that is how life is and must be.
In other worlds,
the retreat from the 200 plus years of liberal European thought will be in full
flood.
I would argue
strongly that Britain – in totality, not by reference to all its constituents -
cannot succeed in a hard brexit, as a total society, if it attempts to maintain
the very expensive, socially-reconstructive, redistributive, work-limiting EU
controls.
Liberal, social interventionist,
redistributive, universally socially ‘inclusive’ Britain will not last ten
years of full-scale global open competition, hard-brexit having provided this
environment.
I do not believe
anyone in Britain has the slightest idea of what it will mean for the British
to compete in open markets with the Indians, the Chinese, the South Americans,
the USA.
The reality of
competition is vastly more developed, intrusive and economically violent that
in 1973.
Then India was a socialist protected
space, China made dim sum and not much else, and the imperial structures,
falling apart it is true, still existed.
ALL gone, now vast
capital and dirt cheap highly skilled labour across the globe faces down the
British comprehensive state - school product.
Game set and match for quite a long
time then, one who know the country from within might say.
Our education standards are some
years behind all those countries, save for the United States.
Protected within European internal
trade, cushioned by socialist relativist interventionism, this deficiency is
not starkly experienced.
BUT after brexit, the state will
neither chose to, nor be able to protect the weak, the incompetent, the natural
failures.
There will be legions of them….
Success will bring wealth and power,
inadequacy will produce poverty and exclusion in a way not experienced in
Britain in living memory.
Should Britain try
to maintain European social protections, the cost and economic distortions will
stop the required changes that will be needed to make brexit any sort of
success at all.
Capital is always lightly leavened in
Britain, and ‘labour’ is packed, thus the country has low productivity and very
low value-added.
This condition goes back for very
many decades, reinforced by the social stratification that still requires the
capital-free ‘peasantry’ to act and live with humility.
This lack of ambition amongst the
British working classes is something the new brexit-empowered local mercantile
capitalists will exploit ruthlessly.
Not for nothing did
the historian AJP Taylor suggest Britain and Russia had very much in common,
including the former’s almost feudal social separation between the educated,
powerful rich, and the mass of the ‘rest’.
Despite some ‘modernisation, this
condition has persisted.
It persists also in France, but that
country hides behind Germany and is sheltered from competition by the EU
structure and that pesky ‘internally–trading’ continental economy.
Only Britain faces
the raw revolution of 21st century open direct competition with
whatever the world throws at it.
Thus social divisions in Britain are
likely to increase, the social protection systems, the universal healthcare
system, the housing and planning structures, as well as the access to
universally good food and medicine. All will atrophy.
Right, Terry writes from his country house in Normandy, France
The nature of Britain
At its core,
Britain is a set of fractured social groups, which do not greatly interchange.
The essentially ‘local’ rich county
Tory, the ‘internationally aware’ very different City banker, broker,
financier, commercial adventurer.
Then there is the small industrial
technically-educated group, and the much larger, uneducated and marginal
‘post-industrial-and-commercial’ prolatariat, getting by with ‘a little bit of
this a little bit of that’.
These groups neither like each other,
understand each other, connect with each other, empathise with each other, nor
share experiences together.
They live profoundly different lives.
On top of this there are the
immigrant groups, some clever and enterprising, some stupid and passive. This
variety adds instability and uncertainty in a new way.
SO
How will these groups co-exist as
Britain strips out the social togetherness that Europe progressively
introduced, and which never was a part of the British social experience.
Certainly Britain was a monoculture,
and when the economy roared into a new shape from 1750 to 1914 the different
social constituent parts acted well together – there was ‘enough to go around’
where all new their place, and all could benefit.
Now it is profoundly NOT a
monoculture, and has been well described as a series of ghettos, with little
interchange. Thus the class, income and asset differences are overlaid by racial,
religious, supra-cultural, non-common assumptive world differences.
How do these new schistic elements
rub against each other as buccaneering mercantile Britain forges a new future?
I predict one winner will be the
Hindu Indian population; these people are internationally comfortable,
educated, family based, resilient, used to tough exclusion and triumphing in
difficult circumstances. For similar reasons the Chinese will also do well. Two
groups of clever, motivated striving and serious-minded peoples. They will be
the traders who connect the dots to Asia and new chances will be taken.
The City will do well, and be free to
make itself anew; immense fortunes will be made, generally out of sight and out
of tax liability as well.
Language and communications based
technologies and softwares will succeed; Britain has a genius for communication
and connection across cultures.
Those clever indigenous who love
those wider worlds will not suffer from world markets and they will be
confident of real success – as their forebears also carved out new worlds.
Who will fail???
This is the central problem for the
management of a modern state, but accentuated in the new condition of
unconstrained competition a ‘hard’ brexit will impose on Britain. How can be
accommodated the needs and survival of vast numbers of ‘citizens’ who can
perform almost no useful economic function? The uneconomic nature of the
uneducated, unintelligent, unmotivated and incapable will be thrown into bass
relief when subsidy life is progressively withdrawn, and when no possible
activity of pecuniary value and be undertaken by them.
To all intents and purposes these
people will be dead to productive society. The increased barrier to activity
represented by the inexpensive competitor workers across the globe, and the
removal of function by computer managed economic subroutines will strip
potential and survival potential from thee people.
Now within the EU, the social
programs, reflecting the continuity of the ‘noblesse oblige’ of the 18th Century
enlightenment even into the 21st century, and blunting the edge
of the utter ruthlessness of the modern meritocracy these gentle failures can,
in their many tens of millions, continue with some dignity – less by the day,
but still some.
SO
Here is the real
question of Brexit-
Can the liberal free market
open-competition of the newly free British economy do a better job of looking
after the interests of the poor that the European structures now do?
Tory types chafing at the bit for a
free and open deep-sea economy says it can.
The anti-nationalists of the old
European enlightenment currently steering Europe say nothing but misery and
impoverishment can come of this liberality.
My prejudices –
I was brought up to believe in the
deep gains to be had from social integration, the suppression of extreme
wealth, and the value of the individual despite their ‘economic value’, thus
considering the poverty and early death of a gentle person simply because they
had less means of accumulating wealth as an abomination – laughing and
sneering, as it were, in the very face of God from whom all legitimacy is
granted.
Thus the very core Christian ethic,
whereby it is harder for a rich man to enter the Kingdom of God than for a
camel to pass through the eye of a needle is what I believe, live and die by.
Brexit is in danger
of destroying the combination of the Christian inheritance and the derivative
Enlightenment in my country; of removing as emotional irrelevance the Methodist
tradition, of replacing social responsibility with a combination of meritocracy
and Randian total appropriation of wealth to the creator spirit in the economy.
The United States is going there now;
China is already there, despite the absurd theatre-curtain of State Communism
suggesting something other.
Islam teaches acceptance of the
wealth of others, and is free of the social imperatives via Christianity and
the French Revolution that drove European thought and present European action.
Brexit thrusts
Britain away from all that. It drives it towards the raw competition of anew
world of super-harsh amoral accumulation by winners.
That is not discussed in public.
Britain was here before, in the early
19th century, and only introduced social programs to fatten up the proletariat
to be able to slaughter and be slaughtered by the Germans in the wars the
country knew had to come in the future.
Britain has a very poor record on
caring for its weakest and poorest.
I argue here that the EU enhanced the social and
psychological protections of the mass of the people of Britain, often in the
face of the opposition of the local government and its values.
Thus the future for post-brexit
Britain will be fast forward to the past.
Into the late 18th and
early 19th centuries, but looking different with modern
technology.
Vast unconstrained and remote wealth
for some, fear and mental illness for very many.
Irrelevance, physical and cultural
isolation followed by relatively early death for many more than now.
And the progressive end of the
West.
Europe will not readily withstand
this new Island morality so close to its own shores. The social isolation of East
Germany from the ruthless West could not survive.
I fear the EU and its high ideals is
also doomed to be destroyed. For precisely the same reason. – by Terry Field
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