Neal Gabler Writes:
America
died on Nov. 8, 2016, not with a bang or a whimper, but at its own hand via
electoral suicide. We the people chose a man who has shredded our values, our
morals, our compassion, our tolerance, our decency, our sense of common
purpose, our very identity — all the things that, however tenuously, made a
nation out of a country.
Whatever place we now live in is not the same place it was on Nov. 7. No matter how the rest of the world looked at us on Nov. 7, they will now look at us differently. We are likely to be a pariah country. And we are lost for it. As I surveyed the ruin of that country this gray Wednesday morning, I found weary consolation in W.H. Auden’s poem, September 1, 1939, which concludes:
Whatever place we now live in is not the same place it was on Nov. 7. No matter how the rest of the world looked at us on Nov. 7, they will now look at us differently. We are likely to be a pariah country. And we are lost for it. As I surveyed the ruin of that country this gray Wednesday morning, I found weary consolation in W.H. Auden’s poem, September 1, 1939, which concludes:
“Defenseless
under the night
Our world in stupor lies;
Yet, dotted everywhere,
Ironic points of light
Flash out wherever the Just
Exchange their messages:
May I, composed like them
Of Eros and of dust,
Beleaguered by the same
Negation and despair,
Show an affirming flame.”
Yet, dotted everywhere,
Ironic points of light
Flash out wherever the Just
Exchange their messages:
May I, composed like them
Of Eros and of dust,
Beleaguered by the same
Negation and despair,
Show an affirming flame.”
I hunt
for that affirming flame.
This
generally has been called the “hate election” because everyone professed to
hate both candidates. It turned out to be the hate election because, and let’s
not mince words, of the hatefulness of the electorate. In the years to come, we
will brace for the violence, the anger, the racism, the misogyny, the
xenophobia, the nativism, the white sense of grievance that will undoubtedly be
unleashed now that we have destroyed the values that have bound us.
We all
knew these hatreds lurked under the thinnest veneer of civility. That civility
finally is gone.
In its absence, we may realize just how imperative that
politesse was. It is the way we managed to coexist.
If
there is a single sentence that characterizes the election, it is this: “He
says the things I’m thinking.” That may be what is so terrifying. Who knew that
so many tens of millions of white Americans were thinking unconscionable things
about their fellow Americans? Who knew that tens of millions of white men felt
so emasculated by women and challenged by minorities? Who knew that after years
of seeming progress on race and gender, tens of millions of white Americans
lived in seething resentment, waiting for a demagogue to arrive who would
legitimize their worst selves and channel them into political power? Perhaps we
had been living in a fool’s paradise. Now we aren’t.
This
country has survived a civil war, two world wars, and a great depression. There
are many who say we will survive this, too. Maybe we will, but we won’t survive
unscathed. We know too much about each other to heal. No more can we pretend
that we are exceptional or good or progressive or united. We are none of those
things. Nor can we pretend that democracy works and that elections have more or
less happy endings. Democracy only functions when its participants abide by
certain conventions, certain codes of conduct and a respect for the process.
The
virus that kills democracy is extremism because extremism disables those codes.
Republicans have disrespected the process for decades. They have regarded any
Democratic president as illegitimate. They have proudly boasted of preventing
popularly elected Democrats from effecting policy and have asserted that only
Republicans have the right to determine the nation’s course. They have worked
tirelessly to make sure that the government cannot govern and to redefine the
purpose of government as prevention rather than effectuation. In short, they
haven’t believed in democracy for a long time, and the media never called them
out on it.
Democracy
can’t cope with extremism. Only violence and time can defeat it. The first is
unacceptable, the second takes too long. Though Trump is an extremist, I have a
feeling that he will be a very popular president and one likely to be
re-elected by a substantial margin, no matter what he does or fails to do.
That’s because ever since the days of Ronald Reagan, rhetoric has obviated
action, speechifying has superseded governing.
Trump
was absolutely correct when he bragged that he could shoot someone in the
middle of Fifth Avenue and his supporters wouldn’t care. It was a dictator’s
ugly vaunt, but one that recognized this election never was about policy or
economics or the “right path/wrong path,” or even values. It was about venting.
So long as Trump vented their grievances, his all-white supporters didn’t care
about anything else. He is smart enough to know that won’t change in the
presidency. In fact, it is only likely to intensify. White America, Trump’s
America, just wants to hear its anger bellowed. This is one time when the Bully
Pulpit will be literal.
The
media can’t be let off the hook for enabling an authoritarian to get to the
White House. Long before he considered a presidential run, he was a media
creation — a regular in the gossip pages, a photo on magazine covers, the
bankrupt (morally and otherwise) mogul who hired and fired on The
Apprentice. When he ran, the media treated him not as a candidate, but as a
celebrity, and so treated him differently from ordinary pols. The media gave
him free publicity, trumpeted his shenanigans, blasted out his tweets, allowed
him to phone in his interviews, fell into his traps and generally kowtowed
until they suddenly discovered that this joke could actually become president.
Just as
Trump has shredded our values, our nation and our democracy, he has shredded
the media. In this, as in his politics, he is only the latest avatar of a
process that began long before his candidacy. Just as the sainted Ronald Reagan
created an unbridgeable chasm between rich and poor that the Republicans would
later exploit against Democrats, conservatives delegitimized mainstream
journalism so that they could fill the vacuum.
With
Trump’s election, I think that the ideal of an objective, truthful journalism
is dead, never to be revived.
Retiring
conservative talk show host Charlie Sykes complained that after years of
bashing from the right wing, the mainstream media no longer could perform their
function as reporters, observers, fact dispensers, and even truth tellers, and
he said we needed them. Like Goebbels before them, conservatives understood
that they had to create their own facts, their own truths, their own reality.
They have done so, and in so doing effectively destroyed the very idea of
objectivity. Trump can lie constantly only because white America has accepted
an Orwellian sense of truth — the truth pulled inside out.
With
Trump’s election, I think that the ideal of an objective, truthful journalism
is dead, never to be revived. Like Nixon and Sarah Palin before him, Trump ran
against the media, boomeranging off the public’s contempt for the press. He ran
against what he regarded as media elitism and bias, and he ran on the idea that
the press disdained working-class white America. Among the many now-widening
divides in the country, this is a big one, the divide between the media and
working-class whites, because it creates a Wild West of information – a media
ecology in which nothing can be believed except what you already believe.
With
the mainstream media so delegitimized — a delegitimization for which they bear
a good deal of blame, not having had the courage to take on lies and expose
false equivalencies — they have very little role to play going forward in our
politics. I suspect most of them will surrender to Trumpism — if they were able
to normalize Trump as a candidate, they will no doubt normalize him as
president. Cable news may even welcome him as a continuous entertainment and
ratings booster. And in any case, like Reagan, he is bulletproof. The media
cannot touch him, even if they wanted to. Presumably, there will be some
courageous guerrillas in the mainstream press, a kind of Resistance, who will
try to fact-check him. But there will be few of them, and they will be
whistling in the wind. Trump, like all dictators, is his own truth.
What’s
more, Trump already has promised to take his war on the press into courtrooms
and the halls of Congress. He wants to loosen libel protections, and he has
threatened Washington Post owner Jeff Bezos of Amazon with an
antitrust suit. Individual journalists have reason to fear him as well. He has
already singled out NBC’s Katy Tur, perhaps the best of the television
reporters, so that she needed the Secret Service to escort her from one of his
rallies. Jewish journalists who have criticized Trump have been subjected to
vicious anti-Semitism and intimidation from the alt-right. For the press, this
is likely to be the new normal in an America in which white supremacists,
neo-Nazi militias, racists, sexists, homophobes and anti-Semites have been legitimized
by a new president who “says what I’m thinking.” It will be open season.
This
converts the media from reporters to targets, and they have little recourse.
Still, if anyone points the way forward, it may be New York Times columnist
David Brooks. Brooks is no paragon. He always had seemed to willfully neglect
modern Republicanism’s incipient fascism (now no longer incipient), and he was
an apologist for conservative self-enrichment and bigotry. But this campaign
season, Brooks pretty much dispensed with politics. He seemed to have arrived
at the conclusion that no good could possibly come of any of this and retreated
into spirituality.
What Brooks promoted were values of mutual respect, a bolder
sense of civic engagement, an emphasis on community and neighborhood, and
overall a belief in trickle-up decency rather than trickle-down economics. He
is not hopeful, but he hasn’t lost all hope.
For
those of us now languishing in despair, this may be a prescription for
rejuvenation. We have lost the country, but by refocusing, we may have gained
our own little patch of the world and, more granularity, our own family. For
journalists, Brooks may show how political reporting, which, as I said, is
likely to be irrelevant in the Trump age, might yield to a broader moral
context in which one considers the effect that policy, strategy and governance
have not only on our physical and economic well-being but also on our spiritual
well-being. In a society that is likely to be fractious and odious, we need a
national conversation on values. The media could help start it.
But the
disempowered media may have one more role to fill: They must bear witness. Many
years from now, future generations will need to know what happened to us and
how it happened. They will need to know how disgruntled white Americans, full
of self-righteous indignation, found a way to take back a country they felt
they were entitled to and which they believed had been lost. They will need to
know about the ugliness and evil that destroyed us as a nation after great men
like Lincoln and Roosevelt guided us through previous crises and kept our
values intact. They will need to know, and they will need a vigorous, engaged,
moral media to tell them. They will also need us.
We are
not living for ourselves anymore in this country. Now we are living for
history.
"On some great and glorious day the plain folks of the land will reach their heart's desire at last, and the White House will be adorned by a downright moron."
--H. L. Mencken
Thank you Glenn, This is actually the second time I've read Mr. Gablers' article. I am as much agog (sp?) as I was the first time I read it. In fact I have become so un-nerved by this election that I have considered relocating. Thanks, KJH